“Above all my organization and comrades!”

Perihan had finished her tasks and was returning home. As always, she was careful and observant. It hadn’t been easy for her, as the responsibility of the safety of her comrades, was lying on her shoulders. She didn’t even want to think that because of her carelessness and negligence she could cause harm to her comrades. For this reason, when she went to and returned from meetings with the comrades, she was very careful. She would walk for hours until she was sure that she was not being tracked and only then would she return home.

Continue reading ““Above all my organization and comrades!””

We fight for the liberation of the peoples of Turkey

We fight for the liberation of the peoples of Turkey, We want a free country.  A brochure issued by Devrimci Sol ( Revolutionary Left) movement. The date of the publication is unknown, but from the content, it is prepared in the beginning of the 1990s, possibly in Europe. We can say that this is a translation from the book entitled Haklıyız Kazanacağız (We are right, we will win), which is the Political defence of the revolutionary movement, and it presents the first version of the program of the organisation, which later will became the Party – Front.

Continue reading “We fight for the liberation of the peoples of Turkey”

Solidarity with Sami Baydar and Aramean activists facing persecution in Germany

Samidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network stands in solidarity with political prisoners and detainees in Germany against all forms of repression. The German state’s attacks on Palestinian rights are well-known, including: the four-year ban on Palestinian leftist writer Khaled Barakat; the deportation of Rasmea Odeh, former political prisoner and torture survivor and the prohibition of her event with Dareen Tatour; the passing of an anti-BDS resolution in the Bundestag, the criminal prosecution of Palestinian and Israeli Jewish activists for interrupting a speech by a member of the Knesset, the forced resignation of the director of the Jewish Museum, the closing of the bank account of Jewish Voices for a Just Peace and the disinvitation of international artists who have taken a stand to support Palestinian rights.

However, repression in Germany is far from limited to the assault against Palestinian and Palestine solidarity organizing. Left-wing groups and parties have been repeatedly targeted, especially Turkish and Kurdish organizations. We stand in solidarity with all of the progressive forces politically targeted in Germany, including the “Revolutionary Arameans,” (Süryani Devrimciler) who are facing political charges after protesting the visit of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to Germany in September 2018.

On 2 October 2018, eight activists were arrested in Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg by state security police, accused of violating the Association Act and carrying the signs of illegal organizations during a the May Day demonstration in 2018. Three of the comrades were already ordered by the Augsburg District Court, on 22 July 2019 and 21 October 2019 to pay 13,000 EUR in fines, with a rate of 40 EUR daily. The activists have lodged a legal appeal against this order.

Specifically, they are accused of carrying the banner of the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C), a leftist Marxist-Leninist movement in Turkey. However, the comrades note that they were actually carrying the flag of the Communist Arameans of Mesopotamia, with the hammer, sickle and a star on a red background.

28-year-old Sami Baydar, from Augsburg, has been particularly targeted in this attack. A leftist activist who campaigns for the rights of the Arameans, especially in Turkey, Baydar and his lawyer have repeatedly been denied access to German government files and information about the case. Finally, they were informed that Baydar is facing an investigation under section 129b of the German criminal code – the infamous category that has been used to prosecute and imprison German and international leftists, especially Turkish and Kurdish activists, under the framework of “terrorist organizations abroad.”

Samidoun has joined many organizations in Germany and internationally calling for sections 129a and 129b to be stricken; these provisions are used repeatedly for political ends, with dozens of Turkish and Kurdish activists imprisoned by the German state. The provisions were introduced in 2002 in the post-September 11 promotion of “anti-terror” laws and, since 2008, they have been used repeatedly against leftist organizations and activists.

One activist was sentenced to 26 months of imprisonment for selling concert tickets for a German concert by Grup Yorum, a political band whose members are also subjected to political repression and imprisonment inside Turkey. In many of these cases, “evidence” used has included confessions obtained under torture in Turkey.

The echoes of this ongoing repression is also to be found in the justifications used to ban Khaled Barakat from the country, to deport Rasmea Odeh and to repress Palestinian and Palestine solidarity activism. In these cases as well, the German state seeks to arrogate to itself the ability to strip the rights of oppressed people to resist, depending on its alliance with the state oppressing them. Israeli allegations, including false confessions extracted through torture or dubious propaganda campaigns, are repeated as fact.

The German state has worked hand in hand with the Turkish state in persecuting leftists, including many former political prisoners in Turkish jails who had initially sought refuge in Europe. This reflects the imperialist NATO alliance binding these countries together and the threat it poses to all peoples struggling for justice, in Palestine, Syria, Turkey and even within Europe itself. Similarly, the alliance between Germany and Israel is an alliance in the persecution and repression of Palestinians, both inside and outside occupied Palestine. Germany sells a wide range of arms and weaponry to the Turkish state – used to persecute Turks and Kurds as well as to invade and occupy Syria – just as it provided nuclear-capable submarines to Israel and has continued to do so, enhancing the nuclear threat in the region.

Despite this repression, these activists have continued to stand with their fellow political prisoners and targets of repression in Germany and around the world. In a speech in Munich calling for freedom for Müslüm Elma, a political prisoner from Turkey in Germany, Baydar spoke on behalf of the Aramean People’s Council to also demand freedom for political prisoners like Ahmad Sa’adat, the imprisoned General Secretary of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, held in Zionist jails and Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, the Lebanese Arab struggler for Palestine imprisoned in France for 35 years.

Samidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network expresses its strongest solidarity with Sami Baydar and all of the “Revolutionary Arameans” facing repression, heavy fines, political investigations and the threat of imprisonment in Germany. The criminalization of solidarity, activism and liberation struggles threatens the Palestinian movement in Germany, and these same policies have been used to wage an intense attack on Kurdish, Turkish and Aramean strugglers for justice. We see the alliance between imperialist, racist, capitalist, fascist, Zionist and reactionary forces to suppress popular movements, and our mutual solidarity is critical to fight back against and defeat that repression.

We urge the immediate release of all political prisoners in German, Greek, European and Turkish jails and the striking of paragraphs 129a and 129b, which serve as weapons for the criminalization of liberation struggles, and we demand an end to the political charges against the “Revolutionary Arameans.” Long live international solidarity!

Background information:
“Who are the REVOLUTIONARY ARAMEANS?

On the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the 1915 Aramaic genocide in Turkey, intellectual Aramaic Turks from Tur Abdin joined forces and in 2015 the popular movement REVOLUTIONARY ARAMAEANS (Aramaic: Suryoye Qauwonye) was founded in Midyat.

In 2017, the socialist October Revolution of 1917 was remembered for 100 years by the REVOLUTIONARY ARAMAEANS, who founded the organization “Communist Aramaeans of Mesopotamia”.

Since 2019, the movement has been a member of the Anti-Imperialist Front (Anti-Emperyalist Cephe).”

Source: https://samidoun.net/2020/03/solidarity-with-sami-baydar-and-aramean-activists-facing-persecution-in-germany/?fbclid=IwAR3E-byB1iJPqXbOYGD7eFu3W186OhjYOrPCEEvDk_zTIPqafvCcWvnm3WM

January 30, 1990 – The first bullet on the upswing

Istanbul police attacked demonstrations on May 1, 1989. The people after clashing with the police and are withdrawing in the area of Şişhane Boulevard, not far from the emblematic Taksim Square. As the demonstrators emerges on the boulevard, police shoots on people. As the result of the shots fired by the fascist police, a young worker from the People’s Front cortege named Mehmet Akif Dalci was killed. Continue reading “January 30, 1990 – The first bullet on the upswing”

July 12 is the strength, permanence and invincibility of the Front

The oligarchy strove with all its strength to ensure our annihilation. But the Front could not be annihilated, it could not be extinguished.

They could not destroy it. Our struggle continues. The development of the Front goes on.

We experienced July 12, then April 16 and 17 and the betrayal by the putsch. But our decisiveness and our conviction were stronger than the enemy’s massacres.

In the midst of the enemy’s war of annihilation, we became a party. As the DHKP-C, we have continued our march towards revolution. Continue reading “July 12 is the strength, permanence and invincibility of the Front”

Revolutionary education in the present situation in Turkey

Nowadays, in Turkey, all the different kind of minorities, are searching for new way’s to survive and to maintain their dignity against the escalating state-repression in Turkey against the different minorities. However they do not reckon the problems needed for the future, when the class-struggle is rising. When this happens, the people will attack the system which is against them. Right now, the people recognise the problem, talk about it and analyse it. One the one hand this is good because it creates a greater class- consciousness, on the other hand however right now there are no concrete development which fulfils the practical needs of the people.

As an example we will look at the events in Elbistan.

At June 4, thousands of inhabitants of Elbistan stormed the policestation as a reaction on the arrest and rape of two women by the local police. In Turkey a lot of fascist islamic forces are inside the government and state-forces. Especial the armed forces of the state – police and army – are soaked with islamic fascists. In Turkey, despite the repression, the people back their government. This because of the State demagogic about the Islam and the “happiness to be a Turk.” However, when the fascists forces start to attack the dignity of the people, the people will rise up against the state and its forces. In these moments of resistance the people are united, no matter what their religion or political stands are. They share their outrage and act together. This means that the state is cracking and loosing its ideological support. This is a developing process we see in Turkey and which can not be stopped anymore. These fascist islamic forces inside the police, army and secret service also have conflicts among themselves. These conflicts also will escalate and turn into clashes.

In the mean time, the people no longer trust the state and its justice. Facing the repression and the fascists state-justice, they start to demand real justice, the justice that serves the people, peoples justice. The period we are living in, changes the ideas of the people in Turkey. Rights now, the classes become more clear and the people start to resist. They stop saying that they don’t care or don’t know. They start to act and do something. These changes also affect the opportunist left-wing groups in Turkey. Even they want to do something. They have to see that we reached this fase after a long period of fighting and losses in the classwar. They did not understand this war and they will not understand the revolutionary needs for the future. However, our main problem lies within ourselves. We have to leave them alone and return to ourselves.

We have to see clearly that nowadays the revolutionary potential in the masses is growing. But right now, we can not use this potential and we cannot organise the people and the working class and the minorities. That’s why a lot of people who want to fight fascism, are not able to do so. As a result, the people show their reaction in a wrong way or seek other ways to survive and they turn to fascist or islamic organisations. This again creates conflicts which we have to solve.

It are the people who will make the revolution. That’s why we have to approach all the people with their different backgrounds, classes, minorities and ideas. We will have to explain to all these people that this system is a fascist system. We have to open their eyes so they can see what is wrong with it.

For a long time, the left-wing in Turkey made false analyses about the people in Turkey. They claimed only one revolutionary class, denying the rest of the masses.

For us, people who have a conflict with imperialism and fascism, independent of their background, layer or minority have to unite. We have to collect the power and are the people who are the power we aim at. We can not explain the peoples reality only with words like working class and villagers-class etc. We have to spread the reality over many more layers and we have to create one big class out of all this layers against fascism and imperialism. This big class is developing now, without any organisation. If this class can not be established and organised, fascism can attack us because they also learn from their mistakes. They will destroy this class by using even more violence and terror.

How do we have to fulfil this mission? First we have to succeed in establishing this one big class. We have to do this, the alternative is failure. Our main problem are the lack of cadres who understand the situation as it is and create a solution to this situation and go the people with this solution and teach them. If we can not create a solution for this problem we can not achieve the final victory. The cadres are the tools for the revolution. The enemy also is very aware of this as well. That’s why they are always looking for the killing of our cadres. Once we have solved our problems, the oligarchy cannot stop our final victory, the only thing they can achieve is postponing it. Now we have a big and dynamic basis, so the loss of cadres is not our biggest problem: Hundreds, thousands of young men and women want to fight for the revolution. They are brave and want revenge, they want to take part in the struggle. The problem is their lack of experience and education in fighting. That is why, it sometimes appears that the enemy is gaining. It is very difficult to fight with these new cadres because the war is evolving and getting more complicated every day. The education in our organisation at this moment is very static and abstract. We have to change this according the needs of the revolution. Our cadres have to watch their region and they have to think about what they can do, what kind of people they can use to do this and what kind of tools are needed. They have to bring our policy to the people, they have to fight and they have to draw the people in this fight. Education has to be present at every point of our lives and it must never stop. Otherwise we start to make mistakes and invite the enemy to destroy us. Right now, thousands of people, everywhere in the country need education. Education should go on under legale or illegal conditions, in the mountains, the cities, the slumps, factories, etc. etc. Everywhere where our people are living and working we must educate them. if the circumstances do not fit, we have to change them. If the cadres don’t do this, they do not understand the policy of the party/front.

With these “party-schools” we have to create new cadres, responsibles and fighters. The claim of the party and the cadres on the revolution can only become true when the party and the cadres go through these problems. Right now, very young people learn how to fight behind barricades on the streets. But these party-schools give them a party-identity. If we go to the people and we do what we can than every house will become a party-school. Every house in the mountains, every shelter, every cave, even parts of the land, should be our party school. Our base is human. There are tens of thousands of people who want to fight. That’s why we can manage to create these party- schools everywhere in the country. It does not matter when, where and for how many people, these schools must be created.

We have to create more cadres and spread these schools all over the country. If we understand the real situation and the real needs of the people in Turkey than our creativity and energy will rise ten times more. When we are teaching we also have to learn. For doing both we have to work hard. Even if the subject that’s being studied is very simple, we have to approach it very serious. For every region, area and unit we have to create a realistic educational program. Education must not be abstract and literary. Everybody has to understand it easily. If the people don’t understand it means we don’t explain it good enough. Then we have to learn how we can explain it better. We need good teachers for teaching our cadres. The education for cadres, the organising the people and the continuation of the struggle has to go together. During the teaching of the cadres, the teachers have to learn about the way’s the cadres fight. We have to be interested in all the economical, political, social, democratic, etc. etc. problems of the people. We have to show them the way how they can solve their problems on these party-schools. We have to teach them the aims of the party/front. Before starting to teach we have to make good analysis about what kind of conflicts the people have with the system, what kind of education the have, the conflicts between the different layers, the historical and social backgrounds of the people. Today there is enough potential in some area’s for education. We just have to find out what, how and where to start these party-schools. Right now, in Turkey, the educational system, owned by the bourgeoisie tries to let the people forget their own social and cultural backgrounds. We have to break this with our party- schools. Than our party-schools will be an endless source of cadres. If we let the people join the war than the state can not destroy the party because the party is inside the community. If we go to the people and work real hard on the solution of their problems than they will give us everything. We have to increase our revolutionary claims. We can’t afford pessimism and mistrust in the people and the revolution. We must be able to bring our ideas to the people, no matter the circumstances. We have to reorganise our education program, agitation, propaganda and tactics according the latest circumstances. We have to catch up with the latest developments: Everything is changing very fast. Everything can be developed according our will.


Developing the struggle means achieving one’s own tasks in the best manner

How does one develop the struggle? From a strategic perspective, from the viewpoint of organisational development, from the perspective of the prevailing conditions, it is possible to answer this question in different forms. However, if the perspective of one of the chief factors in the struggle is taken, that is, the human perspective, the struggle develops through the way the diligence, heroism and readiness for self-sacrifice of thousands and thousands of cadres, fighters and sympathisers is formed.

What is the role, the place that a cadre, a fighter or a sympathiser has in this struggle? Is it simply measured by responsiblities given to them, by the tasks with which they are entrusted. If this is the yardstick, we encounter some remarkable viewpoints. “A mighty country, a great struggle; the progress and setbacks of the revolution do not just depend on what I do or don’t do.” This viewpoint denies the reality of organisation. A further variation on this denial is to constantly expect the development of the struggle and the organisation to be something “external to oneself, somewhere else”.
People with this attitude expect the solution of all questions to come from above and blows against the enemy to be struck only by the armed units. Their own participation – positive or negative – whether as a person or as a unit is not something they think about and no value is attached to it by them.
The organisation is something to be considered as a whole. The areas, units, even individual persons are part of this whole, connected to one another and influencing one another. Positive or negative things, enthusiasm, motivation or low morale are apt to be contagious in any living organisation. They are very rapidly transmitted from person to person, from unit to unit. Minor cases of paralysis, a unit’s omitting to do something while carrying out work, can lead to the whole task not being completed, and of course, depending on the nature of the task, such paralysis can lead to the arrest or massacre of people.
If this is borne in mind, the question of how to develop the struggle is taken from the field of strategy and employed in what we do in practice. Strategy by itself is abstract. What puts it into practice and brings it to life are the cadres, fighters, people in the areas and units, and the work they carry out. This is why our own development also develops the struggle. Carrying out a task in our unit, whatever it may be, means developing the struggle. Every cadre, everyone in an area must think in this way: if I stand still, so does the revolution. Clearly, revolution and organisation are independent of anybody. The revolution and the movement develop independently of everybody and everything. But this is only one side of reality. On the other side, the fate of the revolution is bound up with our activity. Whether the development of the revolution accelerates or is slowed down depends in the final analysis on the human factor – in other words, us.
This is what a revolutionary thinks about – the organisation is me, the struggle is me, the revolution is me. Developing the revolution and the struggleis not a matter of intending to do it. In words, we can want this so much but do our deeds correspond to it. This is the real question. In our own units, in our own areas the development of the struggle is not something abstract at all, it finds concrete expression and rflection: at its clearest this is the degree of organisation and the achievement of results. These two points are valid for all aspects, whether education work, the development of committees, councils, military units or actions. In a period in which this is not done, in other words, in a period which is not organised and no results are achieved, the development of the struggle is not possible, for no development has been secured within our unit.

Organising and achieving results

Our people have a saying: rowing a boat towards nothing. This is used to describe activity which has no aim or whose aim is not followed through to completion. Whoever rows a boat towards nothing is constantly in motion. He appears to be taking a lot of trouble. He rows and rows, but either he goes back to where he started from or does not reach his goal. Because in his head no aim is firmly anchored, or else the aim is clear but the way towards it is not. Of course nothing results from this. And then there are those who only pretend to be rowing. They do not even take the trouble to move the oars. They are simply going through the motions of rowing. Of course this too leads to nothing.
And finally there are those who sit in their boat and do not even touch the oars. They just talk about the necessity to row the boat. All they do is talk. Of course they do not move from the spot. Now let us look at how the units which are rowing deal with the tasks they are given. From time to time we can see a strange and indeed absurd picture not unlike what we described above. If there are no results, it is what can be expected from such a situation. Every kind of work done, every action carried out, every step which is taken without efforts made to organise it, or without present and past mistakes and weaknesses being taken into account, or without taking account of their significance from the beginning or without planning down to the last detail – all these are doomed to failure. A characteristic of many of our friends is to believe that work can be carried out with general explanations being made. Of course it is the task of a revolutionary to turn a problem, even a small one, into a means of education and present it in such a way that it can be understood. But if the presentation of the problem is not reflected in organisation, if it does not lead to a result, it will be empty and in vain, and those who do it this way are people who do not achieve results or offer a lead. They are merely good storytellers.
Turning education into organisation and the achievement of results is an indispensible rule and the aim of our work methods. This is valid for all kind of work, whether it is a criticism, a self-criticism, a meeting or an action.
For example, distributing our newspaper is a case that springs to mind in a quite striking way. Sometimes a lot of effort is made to distribute it more widely, special pains are taken. Some units achieve successes with it. Later they are stuck with this same level of achievement, or they let go of the threads and if they do not adopt a systematic form of distribution, the circulation of the paper drops again. We must pause for thought about this. A revolutionary who works in any unit, if he wants to organise and educate the masses, or says he wants this, why does he not make every effort to distribute the paper to the broadest possible mass of people, in greater numbers with every issue? This means not wanting to organise the masses, not giving it any importance. If this, the most simple task, is not taken in hand, how can the masses be organised, how can they be brought to contribute to the struggle?
For example, when we ask about what resulted from a criticism and self-criticism session, we receive the answer, “We discussed and talked about relations among the comrades.” When we look at the result, there is any amount of negative things, egoism, getting in each other’s way, defamation and deficiencies which are not looked into, their reasons are not uncovered and how to remove these mistakes and build up and control new relations is not discussed. Of course, in such a situation, a possible change in relations only lasts a few days. Then things go on as before. This criticism and self-criticism can go on for hours and even days and any number of things can be talked about in this or that form. But if that is all that is done, all the effort is condemned to remain futile.
Here, the responsible comrade has not tied the discussion to the question of revolution. There is not a trace of achieving results, no staying power or persistence. Work that is not done and problems are not urgent questions for him. What was done? Apparently, form was enough. We talked about it, that’s it. We could hold dozens of meetings like this, spend hundreds of hours of our time, but no result would be achieved.
Another example: somewhere an action or a campaign is organised. The instructions of the leader to the people under him, “You must do it in such and such a way, it will be an action like this,” express nothing at all. If the leader’s activities are restricted to communication and passing things on, results will either not be achieved at all or will end in failure. A responsible comrade who is serious and who gets results knows the intentions, possibilities and aims of people. And he will discuss the action with the people who have to carry it out and plan and discuss it with them in all the relevant details. He will show them the way to overcome things that might seem insuperable. And first he will patiently listen to the ideas and suggestions of the people under his authority. Bearing in mind their abilities, he will show them how to ovcercome obstacles. He defines what the results of the action or the campaign should be, what aims should be achieved. If that is not done, reports will come later such as “I looked for him but could not find him”, “I left some information behind but it has not been passed on”, or “I also do not understand why so few took part in the action.”
The task of a leader does not end with such things. If he wants results, he must control every step. He must see every positive and negative development, show the way, intervene if serious errors are about to take place, correct possible deviations from the correct pathand show the way to achieve the goal, to achieve a result.
Especially with regard to democracy, organisation, planning and the achievement of results, an attitude has become dominant which is backward and does not correspond to the period and our methods of work. There is a real tendency to honour spontaneity. We must know that no results can be achieved unless every type of work, right down to the smallest action is not organised, carried out and closely controlled. A responsible comrade must achieve results. Every responsible comrade understands that perfunctory instructions to “do it such and such a way” do not achieve a result. In conditions in which a great many of our people are young and inexperienced and lacking in theory, we cannot organise work solely with orders and instructions. In this situation we must organise in practical terms and also educate through practice. That must be our slogan: “Educate through practice”. People learn while they are engaged in struggle. This is the best and quickest way to learn. The view that “We first educate ourselves and then put what we have learned into practice” is a view that deserves to be condemned. It is the view of those who do not want to struggle. Of course it is not planned this way, but whatever is done without enthusiasm and without achieving results, is in any case betrayal and an offence, no matter who or what is the cause. But the problem is this: one can become content with what one has achieved, developments and events are not correctly analysed and the reasons for mistakes and weaknessesand there is no thought as to how things can be done better next time. If this is not done, there will be failure after failure, pessimism will set in and criticism will begin to sap morale. Failure will be followed by failure. The same mistakes will be made again and again. We cannot expect everything to be perfect. Revolutions have not taken place under perfectly prepared and suitable conditions. Nor will they in future. first we must learn to remain upright no matter how bad the conditions might be, and to deal with problems in a persistent manner, attacking them at their roots. This phase is at the same time educational for us. Nobody, no leader can educate himself simply by thinking about what he is, what failings and weaknesses he has and by finding theoretical answers to these questions.Fundamentally, the personality, dynamic in the struggle, talents, characteristics and creativity must be developed through practice. To think is a precondition. This effort must follow thought) If there was a failure in some place or other, if one of our people turned out badly, if a unit has lost ground or failed in its tasks in a particular area, and if the reasons for all this are said to be external, then it will be presented as though fate was responsible and these developments will last for several more months. But we should not put up with these things for even an hour, let alone for months, but we should go to work, find out the reasons for these developments and change them.
Achieving results depends above all on mechanisms for collectivism, as well as on the stability and lasting nature of activity in an area. A unit or an area which tends to neglect the small daily tasks, which forms units for the day which works in an unplanned way without concrete aims, will only achieve results with difficulty or will not achieve anything at all. For example, what are the signs of this? A work group on education is absolutely necessary. If there is no steady education work in a unit or its members do not take part in an education group, it is not difficult to guess that only things are only done on a short-term basis, even if the tasks that are given are more or less fulfilled. One way or another, work must be structured in a committee. If this committee does not meet regularly, if the problems of the unit or the area are not discussed, if no decisions are taken, then again it is not hard to tell that the work there is based on the initiative of individuals and on spontaneity. Excuses like there is no time for education and the establishment of committee structures, there is no suitable venue, other work has got in the way, all these are an expression of the fact that they are fleeing from having disciplined work methods or are at least have not understood the need for organisation and cadres and the need for work methods which achieve results. Whoever fails to create lasting work groups for education, whoever is not organised in his area, we say that quite openly that such people are using the organisation and serving the enemy. Their revolutionary enthusiasm and desire for revolutin must be doubted. Whoever does not achieve this cannot perform revolutionary work in any area and sooner or later they will return to the system.

Expecting to receive everything on a silver platter

One of the most obvious weaknesses arising from unorganised and unsuccessful work methods is found with rgard to material resources. Money is a big problem in those places where there is a lack of organisation and work has been fruitless, and this threatens to destroy their revolutionary activity.
For revolutionary organisations there are in general four main sources of income: monthly contributions, donations, collectivisation (expropriations) and trade. At different times and in different forms, all contribute to solving the problems. But essentially the same thing applies to them all: a revolutionary organisation can only solve its material problems through methods of work directed towardsthe people. In addition, any methods which are used only tentatively are doomed to failure. All four of the ways of raising money we have mentioned have another function apart from solving the money problem. Monthly contributions are a way of firming up day-to-day organisation, discipline and sense of responsibility. Donations are both a means and a result of work to set the masses in motion, to make them see the movement as their own and to make clear the necessity for self-sacrifice. (?Collectivisation (expropriations) are …..) Trade, whether involving small-scale traders or more comprehensive forms of trade, is on the one hand a way of educating our people as workers, to rid them of petit bourgeois pride and on the other hand, to institutionalise them. In other words, to find necessary sources for the revolutionary struggle and to create possibilities for the movement means in most cases forming unity with other forms of struggle, is a part of them and a result. Every unit, every area must take the material problem on board as a part of the whole, and solve it. With regard to this, it is the minimum requirement of each unit to cover at least its own needs. Whether a unit can do this or not is a serious criterion of its ties to the masses, how organised it is, its seriousness and sense of responsibility. Quite apart from the fact that a unit should have as a perspective covering not only its own needs but should also be creating resources for different needs of the movement. Units lacking such a perspective will also lack a perspective of covering their own needs.
Not fighting the idea that everything should be served to you on a plate also means not fighting the enemy properly. Every area is responsible for finding resources to cover their own expenses. A unit that laments about money problems should pause for thought. No money means no banner, no newspaper, it means selling your revolutionary attitude for money. Whoever wants to find sources for money and other needs must go to the masses. Whoever does not go to the masses will find neither money nor support nor cadres, nor indeed anything else. Money cannot solve anything. Many of our cadres and sympathisers have experienced this. In tasks in which the lack of money was seen as a big obstacle more than enough money was contributed, but the task were still not acomplished. Whoever laments at the beginning that there is “no money, no money” has seen that it was not the money that was really the problem.
To make money into a problem, to be merely a bystander when a problem arises is not a mentality arising from revolutionary culture, but an element of another culture. It is an element of the culture of capitalism, which measures everyything in money terms and instead of problems, instead of people prefers to talk about money. We revolutionaries plan the work that has to be done. In this programme money is merely incidental. How and where to find this money is determined by revolutionary principles. A mentality that puts money at the top of everything in planning work does not show a revolutionary spirit but rather a mentality of wanting everything served on a plate, that money will be provided and can be used to one’s heart’s desire. This mentality cannot train cadres. This mentality cannot carry out work among the masses. Because this is not done, the smallest demonstration becomes the biggest task in the world. As we said before, money is never the problem by itself. A money problem is certainly only the result of other problems. Whatever the problems posed by money, what is really important is what it brings into the foreground. A work method which has no sources of income and depends on outside help means rejecting the desire to become a mass movement. It menas saying we have no ties to the masses. That is not right. Almost everywhere there is potential,or ties to the masses already exist. Whoever does not work at this forgets to put into practice the idea that the revolution is based on the masses. The actual problem is one of not going to the masses. Not organising people or failing to train those who are organised means people not becoming cadres. Instead of this there is the mentality of everything coming from outside. In the end, this means dispensing with the revolution.

If in an area, in a unit the potential is not organised, it is impossible to find neither people, nor money nor anything else. Despite tens of thousands of sympathisers, relationships, thousands of people voluntarily connected to us, of course this cannot be organised. Nobody will find a function in a unit which corresponds to his place and his talents. If a relationship is not tied into a network, if nothing of this mighty potential is organised, so that when necessary money or when necessary sources for other needs of the movement are found, all there is is lamentation about the lack of money or lack of success. Collectivisations (expropriation) and other methods of finding money through the use of force can be employed when necessary, but in fact the voluntary support from thousands of people must be gathered together. More must be taken from those who can afford more. Money should be taken from those who are able to give money. Other necessary things should be taken from those who have other things to offer. City neighbourhoods are a rich source of this, in the history of the movement they have constantly produced new sources which have given new strength to the movement. If work in a city neighbourhood doesn’t go forward because of material problems, then this shows that there are no connections to the masses. And we can immediately conclude from this that whoever does not go to the masses produces neither politics, does not educate, does not broaden the struggle and cannot transmit revolutionary enthusiasm on a permanent basis.Everything is with the masses. Voluntary donations, semi-voluntary donations given on the basis of the organisation’s authority, making it an obligation for our people to give monthly donations, making use of the opportunities presented by relationships with our environment, getting people to carry out work, bringing money home, filling up free time with work, working constantly, etc, etc… In dozens of ways money can be found. All this is possible. But only relying on an existing network is not enough.

Expectations in education, the question of cadres who expect everything to be served up on a plate

Expecting everything to be served up on a silver platter is not a phenomenon restricted to education. Whoever is used to being “served”, whoever expects everything to be readily available would also like people to be ready to serve them.
A merely verbal culture means neither being able to give reports nor to carry out education and checking up on others, nor being able to utilise whatever has been done in a particular field, knowing what mistakes have been made and how they can be removed. “I told them, but nothing was done about it,” “There is a lot of work,” “I forgot,” are all the classical excuses that spring to mind. Our people who have this attitude have little or no revolutionary enthusiasm. And these people, who do not know what to do and how to do it feel no responsibility and no concern about the lack of education of thousands of our people, they have almost no idea of what education means. To educate, develop and adapt enthusiasm is something that is being forgotten about. And this state of mind has sometimes developed so much that there is not a revolutionary type of human being but rather an official or a consumer.
A revolutionary’s place is among the masses. We already learned this reality when we were at the start of our revolutionary existence. But it seems as if our people who have been working for 15 or 20 years have forgotten this reality. Being a revolutionary does not mean spending the whole day in one or two democratic institutions. “I called them but they did not come” is not the behaviour of revolutionaries but of those who do not want to achieve results, who have no revolutionary feelings and are pessimistic. If people do not come this means we could not make them come. But actually we know how we can bring them with us. Now let us look at the programme of some responsible and leading people. There is no concern about educating people, developing them, and even if for one day in the week, developing units and giving them guidance, even if at the lowest level. That is the task of every responsible person at every level. Whoever does not plan this and take the work in hand is not making the problems of the movement his own and is not carrying out his tasks. Leaving aside those who have to work in illegality, our people who work legally are able to move around freely for 24 hours a day, and if they cannot develop cadres and cannot educate the masses, they are just rowing their boat into a vacuum no matter what they do. And someone will not be able to educate the masses or sympathisers.
For a leader, a responsible comrade, a cadre, there is no life outside the revolution, 24 hours a day. If our thoughts, feelings, love, family, if everything serves the revolution, then we are revolutionaries. Everything that does not serve the revolution serves the counterrevolution. Above all we must get rid of the habit of “ifs” and “buts” and “impossible”, of having a pessimistic attitude to daily work. Whatever a leader, a cadre, a responsible comrade does, is reflected more strongly downwards. Every responsible comrade, every cadre must awaken enthusiasm among the masses, and be able to strengthen their morale. From him or her, people must derive creativity, the strength to find solutions, and see enthusiasm, discipline, readiness for self-sacrifice and justice. Leading cadres must do a lot of work.
Not going to the masses, saying “no money”, not educating people and then saying there are “no people” means halting the development of the revolution. This is the real problem, not money or people. The problem is one of understanding, one of developing the idea of needing to be served. Whoever works in a way that gets results, whoever organises the people where he works will also be able to solve the money and personnel problem…