Photos of the 1996 Hunger Strike

In prisons

Actions outside of prisons

Relatives on the solidarity hunger strike

The victory in the Death Fast of 1996

Kurtulus Number 90 July 18, 1998

The victory in the Death Fast of 1996 was achieved with the politics of the DHKP-C and the martyrs. Final victory will also be achieved by following this path.

Two years have passed since the Death Fast of 1996. The victory gained two years ago with 12 martyrs continues to show the way to drive the struggles forward on various fronts. This victory has historic significance, with its preliminary phase and the phase that came afterwards it plays a decisive role in determining what victory and defeat is and what separation and unity mean.

Bourgeois ideology suffered a defeat. Victory was gained by revolutionary politics which rejected surrender, continued the struggle under all conditions, was not afraid that the struggle would result in victims and created traditions of forming and maintaining ties to the people and the revolution and the culture of readiness for self-sacrifice. Every kind of reformist and opportunist conception was removed from Marxist-Leninist culture. While the separation of reformism was experienced during the Death Fast itself, the splitting off of opportunism was essentially completed in the subsequent period. The results and influences of the Death Fast are too wide-ranging to be expressed by saying that some rights could be won or restricted in such and such a time and place. The victory has defined the two years since from different viewpoints. Victories extending into the future require broader shoulders capable of bearing them. Through negative or positive developments, the influence of the Death Fast has shown who and what unity achieved victory, how the subsequent phase is to be evaluated and who has the strength to go further with what has been achieved and who does not.

The Death Fast is a political and ideological victory more than anything else.

In the political sense it brought all the enemy’s political calculations to nought and halted his policy of aggression. In the ideological sense it unmasked the egoistic culture of the bourgeoisie, its anti-popular policy and its fascist face and opened the way for the people to take their place in the ranks of the revolution.

The meaning of the remark “in their brains a quake was unleashed and the world was turned upside down” lies in this ideological victory. An ideological victory which destroyed the lack of conviction of those who said “it is not worthwhile to die for an ideology”, the revolution was made concrete before the eyes of the people, a personality was displayed and the people’s hate for the system was deepened, and a political left which could never go forward from abstract unity achieved at a negotiating table, united in an action which grew in significance because of the deaths.

This remark was made right after the victory: “Besides having the function of a barricade against the attacks of the bourgeoisie, besides achieving rights for prisoners, besides unmasking the fascist face of the Refah Party, its real function was to deliver a heavy blow to the lack of conviction and pessimism that the bourgeoisie encourages. The real gain from this resistance is the victory in ideological struggle with the bourgeois ideology, the moral superiority. The superiority of the Marxist-Leninist ideology over bourgeois ideology was proved yet again.” (M. Ali Baran, Kurtulus, August 3, 1996)

The world and the country was shaken to its foundations, and everyone was shocked. This struggle with death showed everyone their place, whether positive or negative. Once more it was proved that the revolutionaries and the people cannot be defeated.

The Death Fast was a struggle of two ideologies, two wills which gave ideology its direction:

The bourgeoisie had said there is no longer an ideology worth dying for. The revolutionaries declared and proved that there are values and ideologies for which one dies.

The bourgeoisie raised egoism and self-interest to the level of a principle. The revolutionaries strengthened sharing, collectivism, offered a major example of readiness for self-sacrifice and showed the people the growing power of their values.

The bourgeoisie divides the people and stirs them up against each other. On the other hand, the fighters of the Death Fast, of Kurdish, Turkish, Arab, Cherkess and Georgian origin amongst others, united the people, organised them and showed the fraternity and solidarity of the peoples.

The bourgeoisie treats dishonour, greed for money, and every kind of swindling as though these are virtues. The Death Fast and its fighters, in contrast, strengthen honour and dignity and treat people with respect. In the period of the Death Fast the politics were clearly shown through which the revolution can be achieved and through which the revolutionary cadres who have the leadership in the liberation struggle can hold on to it. Leadership, as politics and as cadres, crystallised in such a way that they can be seen by very broad masses. Broad masses of people were given the possibility of comparing parties, leaders and politics.

At the same time, the scale of the victory placed a heavy load of responsibility on those who won the victory.

The actual significance of the victory, the ideological and moral superiority should be concretised in the struggle and the unity of the people. If the political results created in the Death Fast are not transformed into political practice afterwards, the attacks by fascism, which is again trying to win ideological and moral superiority, cannot be opposed. Then the victory is restricted to one of having simply beaten off the attacks that went on back then and the historic mission of the Death Fast cannot be fulfilled. War permits no pause for breath. Nor does it permit one to squander an inheritance. It is impossible to develop and organise oneself by basing oneself on a victory one has not achieved for oneself. These are the rules, these are the realities of war. If we look at the Death Fast of 1996 and the subsequent struggle from this viewpoint, we can clearly recognise that the Death Fast united people but the victory separated them. While the opportunist left together with the victory went into a stage of erosion and collapse, the Party-Front was legitimised in the eyes of the people and its mass power grew and it travelled an important distance along the road to taking power.

Because opportunism restricted the victory to beating off the attacks of 1996 and the phase after it, and was preoccupied with thinking, “How can I put myself in the foreground?”, because they only made propaganda from the victory and the martyrs, they overturned the line that had actually achieved the victory.

Instead of an analysis of what kind of period had been lived through in the prisons up to victory, all they did was engage in sterile agitation. Instead of a joint struggle, instead of decisiveness, instead of going over to the attack, instead of forcing the legitimacy of the revolution on the bourgeoisie and the necessity of serving the masses, they preferred to put their own narrow group interests to the fore. The victory was not used to organise the people but rather to advertise their own groups. This went so far that the left did not fear destroying the unity of the left and the people.

The unity achieved in the prisons showed that a unity of revolutionary forces on the basis of a correct line can win. But a left which neither knows how to learn from the struggle nor from history was also incapable of learning from a struggle achieved with martyrs. With policies like splitting up unity into different areas, unity was eroded within two years. In this situation, the left which was opportunist, obsessed with advertising itself and only serving its own interests and which got itself into a cul-de-sac of pursuing an anti-Party-Front policy might as well have carried out the policy of attacks and marginalisation after the Death Fast themselves.

This was what was experienced in the Susurluk period. Without displaying any far-sightedness and influenced by hostility to the Party-Front, an important phase was not analysed from the viewpoint of people’s unity. Nothing came of the unity.

Without even trying to destroy the politics of the MGK (National Security Council) which was trying to create a clash between Sharia (Islamic law) and secularism in an effort to integrate the people in the system, the MGK left and the reformists united on the basis of being against the Party-Front. Conforming with the system was promoted. Those who feared that they would slip into obscurity, who were afraid they would disappear or erode if they acted together with the Party-Front found that their fears were justified when they took a position against the Party-Front.

This behaviour of the left is not to be wondered at. The history of the opportunist left before the Death Fast already showed their attitude of being only interested in their own advantage and seeking self-advertisement and wanting to compete with others, while being hostile to the Party-Front and constantly deviating to the left or right. They were the ones who in 1984 had dismissed the Death Fast of that year as “suicide” and “political murder”. Nor was that all. When in the 1990s the fighters of the Party-Front fell while pursuing the policy of not capitulating, others designated this policy as “thirsting for confrontation” and preferred to stand apart from the struggle. Nor was their participation in 1996 the result of a serious analysis of the period. However, conditions were very different from the period earlier in 1984. The form of resistance they had formerly shunned was on everybody’s agenda, everything was obvious to the people, the thick prison walls might just as well have been of glass. There was no haven the opportunists could seek refuge in.

Nobody could propagate theories of “retreat” any longer. Moreover, they had seen the outcome of the Death Fast of 1984 which they had criticised and they realised that they would not profit from opposing such a major resistance and did not want to be outside it. So on the one hand their participation was positive: they did not want to be outsiders. On the other hand they showed ideological formlessness by by not making an analysis and self-criticism over the past.

Ultimately, they were responding to the influence and proposals of the Party-Front and the ideology it created in the action they took. They gave martyrs. This is undoubted, in the same way that for every political movement there must be a basis from which strength can be gained in the fight for power. But they persisted in their errors and this prevented them from analysing this basis correctly and making use of it. So after the victory they started to fall behind.

Reformism is afraid of victory because the Death Fast concretised the revolutionary alternative

The reformists, in other words the current MGK left, were another circle who split off because of the victory.

While the revolutionaries headed off to death to beat off the attacks and summon the people to struggle, the reformists, especially the ÖDP (Freedom and Solidarity Party) and the EP (Labour Party, today EMEP, Party of Labour ) locked themselves in in their buildings to ward off the attacks of the MGK. While the people were exposed to attacks, these groups renewed their preferred game of calling for “fresh elections”. Their minds had surrendered to the system and they could not believe that such mass heroism was possible. When actions grew bigger, and they were in danger of losing their mask, they called for a truce and thus de facto they supported the efforts fascism was making. Only in the final days did they try to do something, and this was because they were forced to.

In spite of everything, the victory astonished them.

They victory shook their way of life, the system and their status quo among the people. In a panic about the danger to the status quo, they attacked the victory. They were aware of its role in separating the people from the system and drawing them into armed struggle. These groups went over to the side of the enemy in order to stop growing participation in the struggle and the armed struggle and to block the channels leading the people to revolution. Against the development of the armed struggle and the people’s movement they put themselves under the orders of the MGK. They betrayed the people by obeying the MGK in the Susurluk period and on May Day in 1997 and 1998.

Yes, the victory has brought some together and separated others. While opportunism, which is losing influence as a result of its declining strength, was uniting, reformism became more and more part of the system. Moreover, it could be seen how both were united against the initiatives and mass support of the Party-Front, above all in the neighbourhoods and workplaces. Both fell well behind the point they were at before the Death Fast, opportunism because the victory overwhelmed it, and reformism because it was afraid of it. In this situation, without an analysis of the past and self-criticism it is obvious that they will fall even further behind.

The Death Fast victory is continuing to show the way.

Since opportunism and reformism cannot, it continues to show the people and Party the way to achieve power. The Party-Front will march along this road. Victory means power. Every victory means a step on the road to final victory. If there is deviation from the line that achieved these victories, those that have been gained will be betrayed and more importantly, the chance for final victory will be lost.

Every one of our martyrs in the Death Fast is hope for the people, a source of fear for the enemy and a road sign for the comrades. A condition for continuing the struggle is to create new cadres every day and increase their number, for they will lead the revolution to victory. It is the task of the Party-Front to continue to be fighters of the Death Fast, to give the people hope and cause fear among the enemy.

The DHKP-C means victory.

The leadership, ideology, cadres and fighters of the DHKP-C are the guarantee of victory. The DHKP-C continues to show the way to victory, going forward along the line created by the victories. It continues its march along the road to final victory.

SCIOPERO DELLA FAME, FOTO DEL 1996

In prigione

Azioni fuori dalla prigione

Parenti in solidarietà dello sciopero della fame

 

LA VITTORIA DELLO SCIOPERO DELLA FAME DEL 1996

Kurtulus Numero 90, 18 Luglio 1998

La vittoria dello Sciopero della Fame del 1996 è stata raggiunta con le politiche del DHKP-C e dei suoi martiri ed è stata raggiunta seguendo questo percorso.

Sono trascorsi due anni dallo Sciopero della Fame del 1996. La vittoria è stata raggiunta due anni fa con 12 martiri e la sua scia si propaga nella lotta su vari fronti. Questa vittoria ha diversi significati storici, nella sua fase preliminare e nella fase che le è succeduta gioca un ruolo determinante il significato di vittoria e disfatta e il significato di separazione e unità.

L’ideologia borghese ha subito una sconfitta. La vittoria è stata conquistata dalle politiche rivoluzionarie che rifiutano di arrendersi sotto tutte le condizioni: non aveva paura che la lotta si sarebbe tradotta in vittime e ha creato tradizioni di formazione e mantenimento dei legami con il popolo, la rivoluzione e la cultura della disponibilità al sacrificio di sé. Tutti i tipi di riformismo e di concetti opportunistici sono stati rimossi dalla cultura Marxista-Leninista. Mentre la separazione dal riformismo è stata concretizzata durante lo Sciopero della Fame, la scissione dall’opportunismo è stata sostanzialmente completata nel periodo successivo. I traguardi e l’influenza raggiunti con lo Sciopero della Fame ad oltranza sono troppo ampi per essere spiegati dicendo che alcuni diritti possono essere raggiunti o limitati in un tempo e in un luogo specifico. La vittoria è stata maturata in questi due anni da differenti punti di vista. Le vittorie che ci aspettano in futuro richiedono spalle più ampie per poterle abbracciare. Che si tratti di sviluppi positivi o negativi, l’influenza dello Sciopero della Fame ci ha mostrato ci ha mostrato chi e quale unità ha raggiunto la vittoria, come la fase successiva deve essere valutata e chi ha la forza per andare avanti con ciò che è stato raggiunto e chi no.

Lo Sciopero della Fame è, più di ogni altra cosa, una politica e un’ideologia di vittoria.

In senso politico ha portato a zero tutti i calcoli politici del nemico e ha fermato la sua politica di aggressione. In senso ideologico ha smascherato la cultura egoistica della borghesia, la sua politica antipopolare e il suo volto fascista aprendo la strada al popolo per prendere il suo posto nelle fila della rivoluzione.

La vittoria ideologica sta nel significato dell’osservazione “nel loro cervello si è scatenato un terremoto e il mondo è stato rovesciato”. Chi diceva “non vale la pena morire per un’ideologia” è stato messo a dura prova da questa vittoria ideologica, la rivoluzione si è concretizzata davanti agli occhi del popolo, si è manifestata una personalità e si è approfondito l’odio del popolo per il sistema, e una sinistra politica che non poteva andare avanti da un’unità astratta raggiunta al tavolo delle trattative, unita in un’azione accresciuta di significato a seguito delle morti.

Questa osservazione è stata fatta subito dopo la vittoria: “Oltre ad avere la funzione di barricata contro gli attacchi della borghesia, oltre ad ottenere diritti per i prigionieri, oltre a smascherare il volto fascista del Refah Party, la sua vera funzione era quella di dare un duro colpo alla mancanza di convinzione e pessimismo che la borghesia incoraggia. Il vero vantaggio di questa resistenza è la vittoria, la superiorità morale, sul piano ideologico contro quella della borghese. La superiorità dell’ideologia Marxista-Leninista sull’ideologia borghese è stata dimostrata ancora una volta”. (M. Ali Baran, Kurtulus, 3 agosto 1996).

Il mondo e il paese sono stati scossi profondamente e tutti sono rimasti scioccati. Questa lotta con la morte ha mostrato a tutti il loro posto, positivo o negativo. Ancora una volta è stato dimostrato che i rivoluzionari e il popolo non possono essere sconfitti.

Lo Sciopero della Fame ha scatenato una battaglia tra due volontà che diedero all’ideologia la sua direzione.

La borghesia ha detto che non c’è più motivo per morire per un’ideologia. I rivoluzionari dichiararono e provarono che ci sono valori e ideologie per le quali morire.
La borghesia ha innalzato l’egoismo e gli interessi personali a livello di principio. I rivoluzionari hanno rafforzato la condivisione, il collettivismo, hanno offerto un importante esempio di disponibilità al sacrificio di sé e hanno mostrato alla gente il crescente potere dei loro valori.

La borghesia divide il popolo e lo fomenta l’uno contro l’altro. D’altra parte i combattenti dello Sciopero della Fame di origine curda, turca, araba, cherkessa e georgiana, hanno dimostrato la fraternità e la solidarietà tra i popoli, si sono uniti e si sono organizzati.

La borghesia tratta il disonore, l’avidità di denaro e ogni tipo di truffa come se queste fossero virtù. Lo Sciopero della Fame ad oltranza e i suoi combattenti, al contrario, rafforzano l’onore e la dignità e trattano le persone con rispetto. Nel periodo del Digiuno fino alla Morte sono state chiaramente mostrate le politiche attraverso le quali la rivoluzione può essere realizzata e attraverso le quali i quadri rivoluzionari che hanno la dirigenza nella lotta di liberazione possono mantenerla. La leadership, come la politica e i quadri, si è cristallizzata in modo tale da poter essere vista da masse molto ampie. A molte persone è stata data la possibilità di confrontare partiti, leader e vari tipi di politica.

Allo stesso tempo, la scalata alla vittoria ha dato una carica gravida di responsabilità a chi ha vinto.

L’attuale significato della vittoria, la superiorità ideologica e morale, potrebbe essere concretizzata nella battaglia e nell’unità del popolo. Se i risultati politici raggiunti dallo Sciopero delle Fame non sono trasformati in prassi politica, gli attacchi del fascismo, che stanno cercando di contrastarli, non possono essere contrattaccati. Dunque la vittoria è limitata a quella di aver semplicemente sconfitto gli attacchi che si sono verificati allora e la missione storica del Digiuno fino alla Morte non può essere compiuta. La guerra non permette pause per respirare. E non permette neppure di sperare in una successione della vittoria. È impossibile svilupparsi e organizzarsi basandosi su una vittoria che non si è ottenuta per sé stessi. Queste sono le regole, questa è la realtà della guerra. Se analizziamo il Digiuno del 1996 e la conseguente battaglia da questo punto di vista, possiamo chiaramente riconoscere che lo Sciopero della Fame unisce le persone ma la vittoria le separa. Mentre la sinistra opportunista insieme alla vittoria entra in uno stadio di eroismo e collassa, il Partito del Fronte era legittimato agli occhi del popolo e il potere delle masse accresceva e viaggiava verso un’importante traguardo sulla strada verso la presa del potere. L’opportunismo limitava la vittoria degli attacchi del 1996 e la fase successiva, e si preoccupava invece di pensare: “Come posso mettermi in primo piano?”, perché facevano solo propaganda della vittoria e dei martiri, ribaltano la linea che aveva effettivamente raggiunto la vittoria. Invece di analizzare il periodo che era stato vissuto in prigione fino alla vittoria, tutto quello che loro facevano era occuparsi di sterile agitazione. Invece di unirsi alla battaglia, invece di essere decisivi, invece di andare oltre l’attacco, invece di forzare la legittimità della rivoluzione verso la borghesia e la necessità di servire il popolo, loro hanno preferito anteporre i loro ristretti interessi contingenti. La vittoria non era solita organizzare il popolo ma piuttosto avvisare le loro fazioni. Questo andò talmente avanti che la sinistra non ebbe paura a distruggere l’unità di partito e del popolo.

L’unità raggiunta nelle prigioni ha mostrato che la coesione delle forze rivoluzionarie sulla base di una corretta linea comune può farcela. Ma una sinistra che non sa come imparare dalle battaglie né dalla storia è solo incapace di trarre vantaggio dalle battaglie intraprese dai martiri. L’unità è stata erosa in due anni con politiche di frazionamento in differenti aree. In questa situazione, la sinistra opportunista, ossessionata dal mettersi in risalto e al solo servizio dei propri interessi e che si è trovata obbligata a perseguire una politica contro il Partito del Fronte avrebbe anche potuto portare avanti la politica degli attacchi e dell’emarginazione dopo lo Sciopero della Fame stesso.

Questo è ciò che è stato vissuto nel periodo di Susurluk. Senza mostrare lungimiranza e influenzati dall’ostilità verso il Partito del Fronte, una fase importante non è stata analizzata dal punto di vista dell’unità dei popoli. Nulla è venuto dall’unità.

La sinistra del MGK e i riformisti si sono uniti contro il Partito del Fronte, senza neppure cercare di distruggere le politiche del MGK (Consigli di Sicurezza Nazionale) che tentava di creare una rottura tra la Sharia (legge islamica) e il secolarismo in modo da integrare il popolo nel sistema. Dunque, conformato al sistema, è stato avallato. Coloro che avevano paura di sprofondare nell’oscurità, coloro che avevano paura di scomparire o essere consumati se avessero agito insieme con il Partito del Fronte, hanno riscontrato che le loro paure erano giustificate quando prendevano posizione contro il Partito del Fronte.

Questo comportamento della sinistra non è da circoscriverlo solo al periodo che stiamo analizzando. La storia della sinistra opportunista prima dello Sciopero della fame ha dimostrato già la sua attitudine ad essere solo interessata ai loro vantaggi e dare visibilità ai propri programmi e la volontà di competere con altri, essendo ostile al Partito del Fronte e costantemente oscillante tra destra e sinistra. Sono coloro che nel 1984 hanno misconosciuto lo Sciopero della fame di quell’anno definendolo “suicidio” e “morte della politica”. Ma non è tutto. Quando negli anni 90’ i combattenti del Partito del Fronte caddero, mentre perseguivano la politica di non capitolare, altri definivano questa politica come “assetata di confronto” e preferivano rimanere in disparte dalla lotta. Né la loro partecipazione allo Sciopero del 1996 è stato il risultato di una seria analisi del periodo. Tuttavia, le condizioni erano molto diverse da quelle del 1984, fase precedente. La forma di resistenza che avevano evitato prima era nell’agenda di tutti, tutto era ovvio per la gente, le spesse mura della prigione avrebbero potuto essere di vetro. Non c’era rifugio per gli opportunisti.

Nessuno può più diffondere teorie di “ritirata”. Inoltre, avevano visto l’esito del Digiuno della Morte del 1984, che avevano criticato, e si erano resi conto che non si sarebbero opposti ad una resistenza così immensa, non volevano esserne fuori. Quindi, da un lato, la loro partecipazione fu positiva: non volevano esserne estranei. Dall’altra parte hanno mostrato mancanza di forma ideologica non facendo analisi e autocritica sul passato.

Infine, stavano rispondendo all’influenza e alle proposte del Partito del Fronte e all’ideologia che riproducevano in prassi. Offrivano martiri. Questo è indubbio. Allo stesso tempo, per tutti i movimenti politici questo deve essere un punto di forza usato per la lotta contro il potere. Ma loro hanno perseverato nei loro errori e questo li ha lasciati fuori dall’analizzare queste basi correttamente e a farne uso. Così, dopo la vittoria, hanno iniziato a rimanere indietro.

Il riformismo ha paura della vittoria perché lo Sciopero della Fame ha concretizzato l’alternativa rivoluzionaria.

I riformisti, in altre parole l’attuale MGK di sinistra, è stato un altro cerchio che si è spezzato a causa della vittoria.

Mentre i rivoluzionari hanno sfidato la morte per sconfiggere gli attacchi e unire il popolo alla battaglia, i riformisti, specialmente l’ÖDP (Partito di Liberazione e Solidarietà) e l’EP (Partito dei Lavoratori, oggi EMEP) si sono chiusi nelle loro barricate per sfuggire i colpi dell’MGK. Mentre il popolo era vessato, questi gruppi hanno preferito cambiare le facciate per ripresentarsi “rinnovati” alle elezioni. Le loro menti sono soggiogate al sistema e non possono credere che cotanto eroismo di massa possa essere possibile. Quando le azioni si fanno più grandi, loro sono in procinto di perdere le loro maschere, hanno chiesto una tregua e quindi hanno sostenuto de facto gli sforzi che il fascismo stava compiendo. Solo gli ultimi giorni hanno cercato di fare qualcosa, e questo solo perché sono obbligati a farlo.

A discapito di tutto, la vittoria li ha resi attoniti.

La vittoria ha scosso il loro stile di vita, il sistema e il loro status quo tra la gente. In preda al panico per il pericolo di perdere la loro posizione, hanno attaccato la vittoria. Erano consapevoli del suo ruolo nel separare il popolo dal sistema e nel coinvolgerlo nella lotta armata. Questi gruppi passarono dalla parte del nemico per fermare la crescente partecipazione alla lotta e alla lotta armata e per bloccare i canali che conducevano il popolo alla rivoluzione. Si sono piegati agli ordini del MGK, contro lo sviluppo della lotta armata e del movimento popolare. Hanno tradito il popolo obbedendo al MGK nel periodo di Susurluk e il giorno di maggio del 1997 e del 1998.

Sì, la vittoria ha portato alcuni ad unirsi ed altri a separarsi. Mentre l’opportunismo, che sta perdendo l’influenza, come risultato dal declino della sua forza, si sta unendo, riformando, diventando sempre più parte del sistema. Inoltre, è possibile constatare come entrambi siano uniti contro le iniziative e il supporto al Partito del Fronte, innanzi tutto nei sobborghi e nei posti di lavoro. Entrambi caddero ben al di sotto del punto in cui si trovavano prima del Digiuno fino alla Morte, l’opportunismo perché la vittoria l’ha sopraffatta, e il riformismo perché ne aveva paura. In questa situazione, senza un’analisi del passato e l’autocritica è ovvio che rimarranno ancora più indietro.

Lo Sciopero della Fame fino alla vittoria sta continuando a mostrare la via.

Dove l’opportunismo e il riformismo non possono arrivare, questo Digiuno continua a mostrare al popolo e al Partito il modo di raggiungere il potere. Il Partito del Fronte marcerà lungo questa strada. La vittoria significa potere. Ogni vittoria è un passo verso la vittoria finale. Se c’è una deviazione dalla linea tracciata da queste vittorie, coloro che le hanno conquistare saranno traditi e, cosa più importante, la possibilità della vittoria finale sarà perduta.

Ciascuno dei martiri che hanno perso la vita durante lo Sciopero della Fame, è una speranza per il popolo, fonte di paura per il nemico e una strada battuta per i compagni. Una condizione per continuare al battaglia è creare nuovi quadri ogni giorno e aumentare il loro numero, affinché la rivoluzione possa essere portata alla vittoria. È l’obiettivo del Partito del Fronte continuare ad essere combattenti con lo Sciopero della Fame, per dare al popolo la speranza e causare paura tra il nemico.

Il DHKP-C significa vittoria.

La dirigenza, l’ideologia, i quadri e i combattenti del DHKP-C sono i guardiani della vittoria. Il DHKP-C continuerà a mostrare la strada verso la meta, andando verso la linea creata dai vincitori. Continuerà la sua marcia lungo la strada della vittoria finale.

MASSACRE AT UMRANIYE-PRISON IN ISTANBUL-JANUARY 1996

ANOTHER MASSACRE IN TURKISH PRISONS!MASSACRE AT UMRANIYE-PRISON IN ISTANBUL!

5 DHKP-C PRISONERS MURDERED, 28 PRISONERS WOUNDED

Today we received news from Turkey. The Turkish police and special units raided the E-type prison in Ümraniye, Istanbul. It was a very well prepared action of the Turkish state. There was lots of press and very many soldiers and police. They attacked the dormitory of the DHKP-C prisoners. We have heard so far of 5 DHKP-C who have been murdered. 3 of them were Abdulmecit Seçkin, Caferi Sadik Eroglu and Cengiz Çalikoparan. 2 other DHKP-C prisoners have also become martyrs. 28 DHKP-C prisoners were seriously injured.

The victory in the Death Fast of 1996

The victory in the Death Fast of 1996 was achieved with the politics of the DHKP-C and the martyrs. Final victory will also be achieved by following this path.

Two years have passed since the Death Fast of 1996. The victory gained two years ago with 12 martyrs continues to show the way to drive the struggles forward on various fronts. This victory has historic significance, with its preliminary phase and the phase that came afterwards it plays a decisive role in determining what victory and defeat is and what separation and unity mean.

Farewell words from Death Fast Resisters

Aygün Uğur:”We revolutionaries know how to enjoy life, but we know how to die too, if necessary.”

Altan Berdan Kerimgiller – volunteer in the Death Fast:

…From my point of view I got to know the struggle even better during the time in prison. In my own practice I experienced how the movement transformed the prisons into schools of the revolution, to create the new men in prison, to get to know the struggle. I think especially the unity with our Party-Front is deepened in the time of the hunger strike till death. I feel like a part of it. As a part of it, I think – just as my comrades -, that it is my task to remove the hindrances in front of the revolution. I am convinced I will fulfil this task. When I volunteered for the hunger strike till death, I didn’t hesitate for one moment, I did not feel any worries. My only worry was that I was not allowed to take part in the hunger strike till death. I think we will show once again the determination of a member of the Party-Front with the victory we will achieve in the hunger strike till death. Just like our martyrs have shown. Also in my case, the ability is shown of the Party-Front to make men into new men who will once again proof the strength of the ideology and the will of the Party-Front. These were my thoughts and feelings when I volunteered for the hunger strike till death.

Speech at the farewell ceremony for Altan Berdan

Comrades,

Our march to victory is pacing up. Today, on the 65. day of our resistance we have given the first martyr of the Free Prisoners. Berdan is the first martyr of the Free Prisoners, the second martyr of the Resistance. Today we are even stronger, more determined. When we took this way, we knew we would achieve victory with our martyrs. We will continue this way with the martyrs. We will not hesitate, we are even more determined in stead. Our anger against the enemy is growing. We are convinced, victory is ours.

İlginç Özkeskin – Celebration speech for the Death Fast

Comrades,

Today we are aware of the attacks by the enemy. We are aware that these attacks are not only directed against us, they are directed against all the people. To beat back these attacks against the people, we took, I took tasks upon me , like on the outside. All of us took tasks upon us in this resistance. All of us participated in this resistance. We take the strength from our tradition, from our secretary-general who created this tradition, from our history and form our people. Like the other comrades I am convinced we will reach victory. To achieve this victory, I will fall too, like my comrades.

Long live our secretary-general Dursun Karataş!

Long live the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party – Front!

İlginç Özkeskin, volunteer in the Death Fast:

…In the phase of Devrimci Sol, as well as in the phase of the Party-Front, we have always proven the correctness of our policy in practice. Our courage and our determination in materialising our policy had a mission as a avant-garde, not just in Turkey, but even world-wide. In this sense, I’m convinced we will be victorious.

Speech at the farewell ceremony for İlginç Özkeskin

Comrades, Yesterday, our comrade Berdan fell. He has become the seed for a free homeland. Today he was followed by our second martyr, comrade Ilginc. Yesterday, only we knew our comrade Ilginc, but now he is known by the whole people of Turkey. He has defeated death with dignity. We will remember him with respect.

Victory or death!

We swear, we will carry the flag they raised until victory!

Already now victory belongs to us and our peoples, together with you!

Ali Ayata: -TKP (ML) Death Fast fighter:

“I know I should do all I can to stay alive. And although I try to stay alive, you should know that this resistance is not a short term one. Victory will not be achieved so quickly. You can not expect a quick victory against the fascist state. With such an attitude you can not grasp the essence of the fascist state. The hunger strike till death will continue for a long time. The victory will be achieved though martyrs. It’s important to know this from the beginning.”

Ayçe İdil Erkmen – To my party and my comrades,

Today, the day our resistance is transformed into the hunger strike till death, a new height is reached. It’s beautiful to be among my comrades who form the group of those who participate in the hunger strike till death. I really don’t know how I should express my feelings right now. I’m very happy, being part of the group of the hunger strike till death. We never allowed that the enemy forces the revolutionary prisoners and the working people to surrender, and we won’t allow it now.

When I decided to participate in the hunger strike till death, I had to think of our women like Sibel and Adalet. I won’t be able to fire a bullet at the enemy like them. But I know, our victory will be like a bullet, exploding in their brains. We will honour the trust our old mothers, beaten and dragged across the ground, our working people, our comrades and our party have put in us. Enthusiastic with our resistance and our victory, I greet all comrades who resist and our mothers.

Farewell.

Long live our resistance of the hunger strike till death!
Long live our secretary general Dursun Karatas!
Long live the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party – Front!

Ayçe İdil Erkmen

Hüseyin Demircioğlu

Comrades,

Bury me on the party-cemetery. Every spring I want to be part of the struggle there. I want to greet the revolution there with our flag, with shots, with slogans that echo in the sky and against the soil. Until the workers in the factories, the workers covered in sweat come to power by delivering deadly blows to fascism and exploiting capitalism…

Müjdat Yanat – To my party

Merhaba,

With all the warmth of the hunger strike till death and its enthusiasm, convinced of victory, greetings to my party and secretary-general D. Karatas.

I thank you with all my hearth for your approval of my participation in the hunger strike till death. It’s a honour for me to participate. I will show worthy and will not shame your trust. It’s very important for a revolutionary to be able to carry the flag in such a historic hunger strike till death. Hunger strike till death means being born again. The hunger strike till death is a very important step in the development of the party, in the development of being a member of the party.

Until today, despite all the mistakes and petite bourgeois attitudes, it has been the party which has kept me, led me, and kept me upright. My party means everything to me; it’s my life, my feelings. Now it’s my task to give back what I owe. I will do it, the efforts of the party will not be in vain. In this moment there is not much more to say. Now it’s the time to put words into practice. Once more, convinced of victory and with enthusiasm and warmth I greet my party and my secretary-general Dursun Karatas.

Revolutionary greetings,

Mujdat Yanat

July 6, 1996

Yemliha Kaya, volunteer in the Death Fast:

…I see our resistance as a strong weapon for the revolution. Because our resistance has already created a public opinion which has to be taken seriously, in our country, as well as abroad, and it mobilised our peoples for the struggle. It’s not sufficient yet, but serious steps have been taken. I’m convinced, the resistance of the hunger strike till death will advance the struggle for the revolution. With this conviction I’m prepared to sacrifice myself. I consider this a duty towards our peoples. I want to say once more, I’m ready for this task.

Speech at the farewell ceremony for Yemliha Kaya

Comrades, This morning, at 9.32 o’clock, Yemliha became immortal falling in the struggle against the enemy of our Party-Front, in the struggle which he waged cell by cell. His place will be taken by hundreds, by thousands from the ranks of our people. These thousands will be the bullets who will end the oppression by the enemy.

Hayati Can:”Ali Ayata and I will be the first to fall.”

Voices from the Inside

The voice in Buca is the voice of freedom, the voice of the resisting people, dignity and justice.

The voice in Buca is the voice of the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party and Front.

Ayçe İdil Erkmen-The first female revolutionary which martyred in a Death Fast

It has been a difficult battle. This phase of the war was to become the theatre of a remorseless retribution. Like hundreds of her comrades, she stood up and took her place in the front lines. “I ‘ll be part of this too, in this battle I want to fight in the front lines,” she said. But she was different from the ‘majority. She was a woman. Another difference: she was also an artist.

At the end of the remorseless battle, this retribution with the oligarchy, Ayse Idil Erkmen received the honour of being the first women to fall in the hunger strike till death. She became the first female hero of a war in which death was defeated slowly and painfully.

She is the first artist who fell in such an open fight against the enemy. Idil, the artist. Idil, the woman. Idil, the revolutionary. Idil, member of the Party-Front… Should we ask ourselves, like the others, which one of those characteristics is the decisive one? To ask this question, or to answer it in one way or the other, means not understanding why she fell.

Dying doesn’t mean losing, it means victory!

Oya, called elder sister Oya… This phrase, ‘elder sister’ doesn’t even has such a deep meaning between natural sisters. It means something like “comrade”. Oya Gokbarak means something like elder sister Oya, sister, mother, comrade… In the struggle for justice, she is always in the front-line. She has been a mother to the prisoners in the death fast. That’s why she was a thorn in the eye of the enemy, and that’s why she was arrested. On the same evening she was released, the message came that her comrade Senem had been murdered. She had always been at her side, she was her daughter and her comrade.

1996 Death Fast Resistance

All fascist governments arrest and murder all those who stand for a human life, for justice, equality, independence, freedom, human rights, democracy and a socialist country and they develop systems of oppression and exploitation to hold on to power.

Our struggle for a democratic and socialist country is already going on for years, just as the policy of fascism which wants to keep this struggle down.

THE STATE COMMITTED A MASSACRE IN BUCA

FASCISM IS CONDEMNED TO DEFEAT IN THE PRISONS“Do not resist…”

“Submit yourselves…”

“Surrender…”

For years fascism has spoken in this way to the revolutionary prisoners. For years fascism has tried to separate the revolutionaries from their revolutionary personality. Fascism does not want to tolerate that the prisoners defend the honour of the people, their dignity and desires, despite the repression, without surrender.

For years fascism has tried to capture the revolutionary prisoners in the prisons as well.